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Friday, September 16, 2011

If 80% earned $1 dollar, what would the top 1% earn?




A New Look at Inequality of Income



Data comes from U.C. Professor Emmanuel Saez, "Striking It Richer". Year is 2008.
Contrast this with the figures from the Citizens for Tax Justice report "All Americans Pay Taxes".
Top 1% received average (pre-tax) income of $1,328,000 in 2009. 
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If Income Were Distributed at 1970 Ratios, 
Instead of 2007 Ratios: 
80% of households would have $15,000 more income. 
The Tax Policy Center lists the percentage of income received by different percentiles of households.
In 1970 the highest ten percent of households received 30.5%, in 2007 it received 42.0%. 63.6%  of the all income increase went to the top 10% (see the graph below). The figures from the E. Saez report show an increase, 1980 to 2007, of the top 10% households from 35% to almost 50%. Using the Tax Policy Center figures, the annual incomes of all of the lower 80% of households, about 90 million households, would rise by around $15,000, the median rising from $49,000 to $64,000, with the same distribution as in 1970.  The lowest-earning 20% of households would average not $12,000 but $27,000 a year; the next income quintile's income would be not $25,000 but $40,000 a year on average. And so on.  This is using the averages from the Citizens for Tax Justice report, cited above. The total incomes for the Citizens for Tax Justice report are confusingly low. The median household income from the U.S. Census is around $50,000 a year. But the distribution ratio change is not confusing. 

The Economic Policy Institute would disagree with my figure of $15,000 more for every family. Their chart shows an increase of $9,220 for the median, instead of my $15,000. I took the ratio of distribution from 1970 and applied it to 2011. Assume that the ratio had not changed since 1970, and you can also assume that the growth rate would have increased. But then you have to understand how inequality drags on growth by suppressing aggregate demand.


Or check out State of Working America, their section on income inequality. This is their graph:

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Comparing the 1% to other earnings' groups 

A nutshell explanation:
If the lowest-earning 60% of U.S. households (almost 68 million households) in 2006 earned on average $1, then the next 39% of higher-earning households earned on average $4.65, and the top 1% earned over $54.40.

Or the lower-earning 80% (92 million households) earned on average $1, the next 19% earned on average $4.38, and the top 1% earned $36.80.

Or the lower-earning 99% (113 million households) earned on average $1 while the top 1% earned $22.32.

Where did I get these figures? See Citizens for Tax Justice, All Americans Pay Taxes, April 2010.

See also their report from 2009, Is Tax Day Too Burdensome for the Rich. Only recently did I find the more recent 2010 report. These pages show the effective overall tax burdens for all income sectors, that is, the total taxes paid to all government agencies (not just federal income tax) and the real rate as a percentage of actual income. The wealthiest pay 30%, the lower-earning 80% pay 24%, roughly. The higher-earning 1/5th who receive almost $6 dollars of income to every $1 dollar of income for the lower 80%, pay a rate of 30%, while the lower 80% pay an "effective overall" rate of 24%.

The income distribution data matches data from the Tax Policy Center, and from the Tax Foundation (see Table 5), if you are really curious. In 2008 the Tax Foundation reports that 67.38% of all pre-tax income went to the top 25%. The Tax Policy Center reports in 2006 that the top 20% received 60.3%. Roughly the same ratios as the Citizens for Tax Justice.

Since the We Are the 99% and Occupy Wall Street have become movements they might show that while each household in the bottom 99% get $1 dollar of income --- the top 1% get almost $24. The average income for the bottom 99% is $56,200, the top 1% average is $1,328,000. This is a ratio of $1 to $23.62.


The Math of Comparing
If 60 receive $1 each, or 20.3% of the total, their share of total income is $60.

Then 39 receives $4.65 each, this is 61.3% of the total, or $181.35.

Then 1 receives $54.44, or 18.4% of the total, or $54.44.

There are 100 participants, they receive 100% of all income, and total income amounts to $295.79. The average income ratio is 1 to 4.65 to 54.44.

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If 80 receive $1 each, or 40% of the total income, their share of the total income is $80.

Then 19 receive $4.38 each, this is 41.6% of the total, or $83.20 total income.

Then 1 receives $36.80, equal to 18.4% of the total, or $36.80 total income.

There are therefore 100 participants, they receive 100% of all income, and total income amounts to $200. The average income ratio is 1 to 4.38 to 36.80.


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Tax Policy Center
The lower-earning 80% of households received 28.2% of the nation's income from wages and salaries.

A part of the Brookings-Urban Institute, the Tax Policy Center is deep into the numbers. This report was subsequently published in State of Working America, 2006-2007, page 79. The note on page 79 states, "Source: Author's analysis of Urban-Brookings Tax Policy Center Microsimulation Model (version 0305-3A)." See these reports from the Tax Policy Center.

The distribution amounts for all 5 quintiles, from lowest to top, are 2.5%, 6.4%, 11.4%, 19.8%, and 60.3%. This is pre-tax income. The top one percent received 18.4% of total income (a portion of the 60.3%), an amount almost equal to the bottom 60% which received 20.3%. Professor Emmanuel Saez of U.C. Berkeley publishes a similar description in his report "Striking It Richer" and the Citizens for Tax Justice also publish a similar distribution, and if one were to look at the Joint Committee on Taxation or at the Tax Foundation one would find two other similar descriptions.

A disproportionate distribution amounts to leakage, a hole, in the economy. What escapes? Aggregate demand that would circulate and create jobs and incomes.

These are pre-tax income percentages. Looking at the overall effective tax rates for all income deciles, available at Citizens for Tax Justice (see link above), a subsidiary of the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy (http://www.ctj.org/pdf/taxday2009.pdf) we note that the top one percent paid 30.9% in taxes, the 80th to the 99th percentiles paid from 31.5% to 32.2% in taxes, and the bottom 80% paid on average 24.5% in taxes. (Overall means "to all government agencies, federal, state and local" and effective means "as a percentage of income")  Post-tax distribution ratios are roughly similar to pre-tax distribution ratios. From the report: "The total federal, state and local effective tax rate for the richest one percent of Americans (30.9 percent) is only slightly higher than the average effective tax rate for the remaining 99 percent of Americans (29.4 percent)."

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Looking at the Citizens for Tax Justice figures (2009) for average income, the average income for the bottom 99% of households is 4% for the average of the top 1% ($55,600 to $1,445,000). That's a ratio of 1 to 25. When I plug in the ratios from the Brookings-Urban Institute, 99 receive $1, and 1% receives $22.32. It's sixth grade math, and I won't explain how I did it. I was a fifth grade teacher, and that's why I haven't forgotten my arithmetic.

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If we use the pre-tax income percentages reported by U.C. Berkeley professor Emmanuel Saez for 2007, the top one percent received 23.7% of total income, not the 18.4% reported by the Tax Policy Center.
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This graph comes from Inequality.org, see "income -- inequality".


Average After Tax Income by Income Group 1979-2007Source: Congressional Budget Office, Average Federal Taxes by Income Group, “Average After-Tax Household Income,” June, 2010._______________________________________________________________

Want to see it again? This time it's better. The source is an article at New Deal 2.0.








































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The United Nations Human Development Report lists the Gini coefficient for the U.S. at 40.8 in 2010. This measure of inequality places the U.S. last among developed nations.
Among the top 50 nations in human development the U.S. ranks 44th in "Income Gini coefficient."
Among the top 30 the U.S. ranks 28th.
(UNHDI, 2010, page 152  ---  http://hdr.undp.org/en/media/HDR_2010_EN_Complete_reprint.pdf  )

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Only recently the director of Economic Policy Institute, Lawrence Mishel, published a report titled "Huge disparity in share of total wealth gain since 1983", September 15, 2011.
http://www.epi.org/publication/large-disparity-share-total-wealth-gain/
In the 26 year period 1983 to 2009 the top five percentiles received 81.7% of wealth gain. The lower 80% of households had a net loss in wealth. See the report. The top 1% gained $4.5 million per household, the next 4% gained $1.2 million per household, the bottom 60% lost wealth. This is also consistent with Sylvia Allegretto's report, State of Working America's Wealth, May 2011. This is indicative of the distribution of annual income over time.

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See the article in Dollars and Sense magazine, July-August 2011, by James Cypher "Nearly $2 Trillion Purloined from U.S. Workers in 2009". The top earning households "pocketed . . . an estimated $1.91 trillion that 40 years ago would have collectively gone to non-supervisory and production workers in the form of higher wages and benefits." Some 88 million workers would share $1.91 trillion or on average $23,875 per household. This would raise the median among the lower-earning 80% of  households by 66%, from $36,000 a year to $60,000. See http://www.dollarsandsense.org/archives/2011/0711cypher.html

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I left this comment on an article at New Deal 2.0 October 18, 2011.


Our economy generates over $47,000 of output per human being, all 312 million Americans, per year, but the median income for all workers, over 150 million (including part-time workers), is around $30,000/year. Half make less than $30,000. U.S. income distribution Gini coefficient is the lowest among the developed (industrial) nations, maybe it's #73 worldwide. The average personal income I think is around $82,000 a year. The St. Louis Fed Reserve has a graph showing average output per worker is $100,000 per year. Recently the share of income going to wages has dropped. 30% of the workforce is either out of work (9.2%), working part-time involuntarily or discouraged (8%), or working full-time for below poverty level wages (10%). And if you include the drop in labor force participation since 2000, it's even worse. I got those figure from njfac.org, the unemployment numbers. I might mention, 28.2% of all personal income is the amount received by the lower-earning 80% as wages and salaries, see State of Working America, 2006/2007, page 79. About 20 miles south of San Diego, California, the minimum wage is $4.50 a day, and 60% of Mexican workers earn less than 3 times $4.50, or $13.50 a day. In China the manufacturing workers get $1.36 an hour, or under $3,000 a year. In the U.S. manufacturing jobs pay about $34 an hour, almost $70,000 a year. The rules of the economy, the laws, should serve the majority who live under those rules. The top one percent earn almost the same as the lower-earning 60%, see http://www.ctj.org/pdf/taxday2010.pdf. Beth Shulman and Paul Osterman deserve our attention. 


Thursday, September 8, 2011

Finance's Debacle, a nutshell explanation



THIS BLOG: My February 2011 essay, the Six Point Program, is a comprehensive proposal to restore prosperity. I recommend it. Go the the column at the right, click-on February, 2011. Look for the Contents page also, December of 2010. We can do two major things in this nation: we can make sure all jobs pay a decent wage -- they don't, believe me --- and democratically we can create jobs for everyone.

The Financial Collapse in a Nutshell

Here is a quantitative analysis of the destruction of the banking system. On September 5 I left this comment on an article by Jack Rasmus at www.jackrasmus.com -----

On page 220 of Epic Recession you list the Federal Reserve Flow of Funds report showing increases of debt, 1978 – 2008, from four sectors,
government debt up 8.0 times,
Consumer debt up 10.3 times,
non-financial corporations up 9.4 times,
and financial corporations up 47 times.
Financial corp. debt from 1998 – 2008 rose from $6.3 trillion to $19.5 trillion, tripling in ten years. (These are Flow of Funds Report figures from the Federal Reserve, 2009)

The book The Great Financial Crisis by Foster and Magdoff shows a chart, page 121, that financial firm debt rose from
10% of GDP in 1970,
to 22% in 1980,
to 45% in 1990,
to 83% in 2000,
to 123% in 2007.
Relative to GDP the financial sector grew by 12 times since 1970.

During 1998 to 2008 the inflation adjusted GDP rose 28% or so, while the financial corporation debt burden tripled in nominal dollars, and inflation adjusted increased by 127%. Financial sector debt very much out-shot economic growth, over-extended. And, financial corporation profits also tripled, there’s a graph in Foster and Magdoff, page 123.

After the crash, banks in the U.S. were "originally committed" $11.5 trillion, were "currently provided" $3.5 trillion in government funded bailout according to Zandi and Blinder report (page 3), of which all but $1.6 trillion will be recovered, they said, but the final amount is yet determined. Another accounting from the New York Times reports that "Through April 30 [2011], the government has made commitments of about $12.2 trillion and spent $2.5 trillion --- but also has collected more than $10 billion in dividends and fees." (Trillions/billion -- the government has collected 0.4% of what it spent.) And many of the large banks are still insolvent. Europe's banks suffer similar weakness but are not insolvent, but they face tremendous losses according to Rasmus' article. The U.S. public is stuck with paying for the bailouts, which raises the national debt. A greater price is paid in terms of low employment, foreclosures, stagnant wages, and reduced government. And hysteria over government debt. Since the lender dictates the terms of any loan, and has more knowledge of the risks, he should take his share of the loss. There was a Plan B in 2008, government taking over the banks, it never was discussed. Be sure to read the section at the bottom of this essay that purports that 30% of mortgage loans were "liar's loans" and over-stated borrower income by 50% during the year 2006. 

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Inequality as the Original Cause

The problem here is inequality of income and wealth over decades, though at first glance it appears to be exuberant loan making. My conclusion is that all that surplus wealth was mis-allocated in the first place into the hands of a wealthy minority. (See U.C. Berkeley Professor Saez report "Striking It Richer" showing the major upward shift of income since 1980.) With a balanced distribution of income real human needs are taken care of, the entire society rises together, and the top-heavy wealthy are deprived of funds to create this monster of a financial system that knows only one law, "more". If economic surplus was distributed in a balanced ratio, more of the wealth would reach the accounts of more households, and more households would spend on real needs such as health, education, housing, city development. And the spending would spill over to inefficient use, but mostly it would produce security and intelligently planned lives for a majority.
This is about the end of this essay. Read on only if you like details.
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See Robin Hahnel's article at Z Communications, Financial Reform, July 2010, for a breakdown on needed reform.
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The surplus from production accumulates in the hands of too few. The top 5% of households own 60% of all assets and about 70% to 75% of all financial assets (see Allegretto, State of Working America's Wealth, page 11). What do they do with their liquid assets? Do they build more businesses and employ more? Yes and no. When there's more surplus than they can use productively or make a profit from, they create a monster of finance. And the record of the financial industry is that it is willing to self-destruct if it brings personal profit. Someone has to police finance, and that means reducing it's size to 1970 levels, 10% to 25% of GDP. Leo Panitch, a Canadian economist, seriously proposes a government take-over of the banking system. It is a utility after all. (See link at bottom, Public Banking)

There are several avenues, apart from take-over, to curtail the financial industry, and I'll mention seven steps below. But more important is to reform the ratios of distribution so that all can participate in economic security. As noted earlier, in 2011 the National Bureau of Economic Research conducted a survey asking adults in the U.S. if they could deal with an emergency expense of $2,000 within 30 days. Half of respondents said "No". Our economy generates over $47,000 per human being each year, and on average over $100,000 per worker (including all the part-time workers). The St. Louis Federal Reserve has a graph showing average value of all workers, and it's over $100,000. Half of all workers receive less than $30,000 a year. When the average value of each worker is over $100,000, how is it that only a mere half of adults can come up with $2,000 in an emergency? Distribution is flawed. Unbalanced. Incomes must rise for the majority.

Granted that loans do drive economic growth, but healthy loans still need a base of income earners to realistically generate future earnings to repay the loans. We do not have future earnings for enough workers. The next decades present a future of out-sourced jobs in the millions through advanced tele-communications, and continued off-shoring of manufacturing jobs. Since 2000 about 6 million jobs were lost in manufacturing, a third of total, and it's almost impossible to compete with Chinese manufacturing labor that pays $1.36 an hour versus $34 an hour in the U.S. (that's $2,800 a year versus $70,000 a year) -- (see Monthly Labor Review, March 2011, Department of Labor). High paying manufacturing has been the backbone of a middle class that produced the expansion of the past 70 years. Growing the financial system is no way to grow the economy.

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L. Randal Wray posted this article "Bye-bye to Bernanke's 'Insidious Banks': End 'Too Big to Fail' in 2 Easy Steps", published at New Deal 2.0, March 22, 2010.

http://www.newdeal20.org/2010/03/22/bye-bye-to-bernankes-insidious-banks-end-too-big-to-fail-in-2-easy-steps-9120/

Clearly there was a dramatic concentration of banking over the 1990s and early 2000s. Not coincidentally, this coincided with the explosion of innovations that changed the focus of the biggest banks away from making and holding loans in the case of commercial banks, or from underwriting and placing corporate equities and bonds in the case of investment banks, to trading. In 1999 Washington eliminated any separation between investment and commercial banking, allowing all of the big institutions to focus more of their business on marketing risk — earning fee income by selling products (largely derivatives, including asset-backed securities) to money managers, as well as trading for their own account. . . .

Lowenstein also rightly argues that the Wall Street institutions no longer serve any public purpose: “At Goldman, trading and investing for the firm’s account produced 76 percent of revenue last year. Investment banking, which raises capital for productive enterprise, accounted for a mere 11 percent.” And what kinds of trades and investments does Goldman pursue? It helps Greece and other clients hide debt, and then it bets they will default. These firms act against the public purpose, as Blankfein uncannily admitted to the Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission when he said that “we represent the other side of what people want to do.” You want to buy a house, build a factory, or provide government services to your citizens? Goldman wants to bet that you will fail. . . .

So how do we get to the elimination of Bernanke’s “insidious” too-big-to-fail institutions? We will not get there through increased regulation or supervision; we will not get there by improving system “resilience”; and we will not get there by propping them up with trillions of bail-out funds whilst waiting for them to fail so that we can resolve them.
So let’s try a much simpler, two-pronged approach.

1. After January 1, 2011 the FDIC will no longer provide deposit insurance to any financial institution that holds more than a one percent share of insured deposits. For the purposes of calculating market share, a bank holding company must include deposits of all subsidiaries — with the one percent share restriction applying to the aggregate total.

2. After January 1, 2011, institutions that issue FDIC-insured deposits are restricted to holding cash, reserves at the Fed, whole loans and corporate and government bonds. They may not hold any securitized products or derivatives; they may not move anything off-balance sheet; and they may not hold interest in any subsidiaries that are not subject to the same rules.
These two measures will eliminate most of the advantages to bigness.
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The Federal Reserve Bank in St. Louis has a FAQ section with this question

Why is the government reluctant to let large financial firms file for bankruptcy protection?

Federal Reserve and Treasury officials believe that bankruptcy is not a viable option for resolving very large financial firms because, under current law, bankruptcy proceedings can be protracted and entail considerable uncertainty, which would tend to exacerbate a financial crisis. FDIC Chairman Sheila Bair recently argued that "the legal features of a bankruptcy filing itself triggered asset fire sales and destroyed the liquidity of a large share of claims against Lehman ... The liquidity and asset fire sale shock from the Lehman bankruptcy caused a market-wide liquidity shortage."* Federal Reserve and Treasury officials have asked Congress to enact legislation for new authority and procedures for resolving failures of large financial institutions.
*Congressional testimony, May 6, 2009. Seehttp://www.fdic.gov/news/news/speeches/chairman/spmay0609.html.



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William Tabb, author of The Amoral Elephant (2001Monthly Review Press), warns of the enormous global capital flow that washes into to various pools of profit opportunity. It takes capital resoures, the fruit of economic surplus, and feeds on more profit. The allocation of resources is determined by only one criterium, profit.

Tabb, page 205, The Amoral Elephant,
"The basic ideas are simple enough. Citizens could demand structural changes in economic relations to comply, as I've suggested, with the principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Written in a postwar period of great energy devoted to seeing that humans would be wiser in the future and avoid the causes of war, it declared that everyone has the right to work, to free choice of employment, to just and favorable conditions of work, and to protection against unemployment. That is all in Article 23. 'Everyone who works has the right to just and favorable remuneration ensuring for himself [which we now understand can be read as himself or herself] and his [or her[ family an existence worthy of human dignity, and supplemented, if necessary, by other means of social protection.'"

Tabb continues, "In an age in which capital's audacity seems boundless in its efforts to impose a new feudalism, in which the masters of the universe can use an internationalized state and its local subsidiaries to remake the world in their image, it does not seem amiss to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, to remind ourselves what the global financial institutions, the transnational corporations, and the governments that do their bidding are attempting to steal. People's rights come before capital's. . . . It is the organization of class-conscious political movements that know what they want and are willing to struggle to achieve their goals [that can make a difference]."

The world's richest 20 percent now receive 86 percent of the world's gross domestic product, the poorest 20 percent have only 1 percent, and the middle 60 percent just 13 percent [year 2000]. . . . The world's richest three people have assets greater than the combined output of the forty-eight poorest countries. . . . Consider: the 1999 United Nations World Development Report says that for $40 billion, basic health and nutrition, basic education, water sanitation, reproductive health, and family planning could be extended to the entire world's population. . . . A Tobin Tax on all international financial transaction would raise $45 billion a month [$540 billion a year], and then there are those military budgets. Finding the money hardly seems a problem. Getting those who have it now to give it up, ah, there's a problem."

From his last paragraph,
"I would conclude then, as I began, by reasserting that in the current situation of increased globalization, the universalization of capital is a long-standing process, but one that takes on specific meanings in our time. Rank-and-file citizens of the world must have a position not simply on trade issues and collective bargaining, but a political position on capital controls and other legislation that empowers progressive politics by limiting the power of finance capital. We are being forced by history to learn to think in systemic terms. Were we to do so with any consistency, we would be drawn to a return as well to our more radical social traditions."

Should Chinese labor have independent democratic unions? Should we allow the products of slave or near slave labor to enter onto our merchants' shelves? If Disney pays 16 cents an hour in Haiti, and Nike pays 25 cents an hour in Indonesia, and Apple pays $1 an hour in China, and Sony pays 80 cents an hour and Ford $1.20 an hour in Hermosillo Mexico -- should those products be for sale in the U.S. market? Should finance be free to jump into and out of national markets instantly without penalty? Is there a place for a more severe short-term capital gains penalty? Can we afford or is it morally neutral not to have an opinion?

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Here are six short suggestions about limiting finance:

1. Banks that fail should be declared bankrupt and dissolved. No more bail-outs. Let shareholders and management be aware. In the U.S. companies that run their business into the ground go out of business. Government's role is to take over management temporarily, settle debts, run the corporation until private investment bids to buy out government, as we did with Chrysler in the 1990s. As Sweden's government did when their banks failed.

2. A short-term capital gains tax penalty. Presently capital gains on assets held for less than one year are taxed at normal income rates, and assets held longer are taxed at 20% (or is it 15%?). This should change to normal tax rate for assets held more than 3 years, an additional 15% tax on assets held one to three years, and an additional 30% on assets held less than one year.
Investment not speculation is the rewarded behavior. Where to explore ideas about capital gains rates? I do not know.

3. A Tobin tax on financial transactions. The Chicago Political Economic Group claims that over $800 billion a year could be raised in the U.S. alone. (See this essay.) In France there is a group Attac, the Association for the Taxation of Financial Transactions for the Aid of Citizens. Many economists have advocated this tax since Tobin first introduced the idea. See Widipedia.

4. Jan Shakowsky presented an alternative federal budget proposal in February 2011 in which $77 billion of tax-expenditure would be eliminated (a net revenue increase of $77 billion annually). The expenditure allows financial corporations to deduct the interest payments on their loans. This is a government subsidy to an industry that needs no subsidy.

5. The foreign derivative market is immense and needs regulating if such derivatives are sold in the U.S. But Treasury Secretary Geithner will not support transparency or regulation of such derivatives. The entire derivative market needs a progressive response and re-ordering.

6. Shadow banking, Special Investment Vehicles, should be legislatively eliminated. Regulated banking now is less than half of the financial market. I'm not an expert, and I do not know where to seek out progressive proposals.

7. Futures trading should be managed and restricted to participants who have a distributive function in the market. Speculative participants should be eliminated from the destructive playing and manipulation of these markets. Speculation in grain prices raised the price of tortillas in Mexico touching off large protests.


I wrote a long essay about the original problem, the finance industry. What follows is my case against them. A further essay should explain how to cut it back to size. And a further should explain how to increase income for the majority, but the February 2011 is my standard answer thus far.

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The Consequences of the Financial Crash

Chairman Greenspan said in 2004, "Not only have individual financial institutions become less vulnerable to shocks from underlying risk factors, but also the financial system as a whole has become more resilient." And in 2008 Senator Christopher Dodd said, "we're literally days away from a complete meltdown of our financial system, with all the implications here at home and globally." (Quotes from Foster and Magdoff, pages 125 and 112)

In the report State of Working America's Wealth, University of California at Berkeley professor Sylvia Allegretto reports "The destruction of wealth that resulted from the Great Recession was widespread but not uniform. From 2007 to 2009, average annualized household declines in wealth were 16% for the richest fifth of Americans and 25% for the remaining four-fifths." I will explain it this way: In 1998 the average wealth index is at 0, nine year's later in 2007 it's at 56, and in 2009 it drops back to 11. So we saw that the GDP had grown by 28% (1998-2008), but wealth grew by 56% (1998 - 2007). That's double the rate of growth for GDP. And then wealth dropped off in a crash. So wealth grew by 11% 1998 - 2009. But it went up as high as 56% before the drop-off. The wealth pie got bigger, then smaller. The output (GDP) pie got bigger, and then shrunk by 5.1% for 18 months till the end of the recession, and then recovered it's pre-recession shape (GDP) in July 2011.


Remember that 87% of the assets are held by 20% of the households, and that banks own 61% of all housing equity. The net worth of the country, between 2007 - 2009, dropped by 16%. But for the household in the middle, the median or typical household, net worth 2007 - 2009 dropped by 41%, from $106K to 62.2K, to levels below the 1983 level. Since 1962, 47 years ago, the wealth of the typical (median) household has increased by 22%, from $52.2K to $62.2K. The economy's economic output per capita expanded by 64%, I think, close to 64%. The lower 40% of households own 0.3% of the nation's net worth, their net worth on average is $2,200. (I don't think anyone can take in all those numbers, so don't worry. I can't just state something uncomplicated, you have to stretch a little.) I sometimes cite a 2011 study from the National Bureau of Economic Research: half of adults in the U.S. could not deal with a $2,000 emergency within 30 days without borrowing or selling something. They asked about 1,500 people, "If you had an unexpected expense of $2,000, could you handle it from savings within 30 days?" No, said half.


This sort of number description may drive you crazy or bore you to death. It does bore most people, but not me. It means that the wealthy households actually got richer relative to others during this crash period and the middle level households lost a lot of savings, about $40,000 for the middle family. To me, my interpretation, the financial industry created the method of deceiving millions and millions of home owners that their residences, their houses, were worth far more money than they really were. This deception lasted about 8 years before it crashed. When the artificial bubble burst, the people who lost money were the poorer borrowers, and the richer lenders did well, made money. Here's a source with a cool graph: http://designandgeography.com/2011/05/17/inflation-adjusted-housing-prices-by-state-1991-2010/housing/


Was it deceit or incompetence? If bankers did not understand what was going on, they were incompetent, if they did understand they were thieves. What do you make of Greenspan's statement above? I'm putting Greenspan, Bernanke, the Ph.D.s working for the Fed and mutual funds, securities traders, and most heads of major banks into this rogues gallery of unflattering masterminds. The latter may have been too busy making millions to analyze what societal effects they were having, but any rational person would have noticed the major risk facing all of society.

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Sources for information:
I recommend essays at New Deal 2.0 and Robert Kuttner's analysis at American Prospect for understanding society's role in managing banks and the financial sector.


A graph of this same data I used in this essay can be found in a recent magazine article by Allan Sloan in Fortune Magazine, September 2011, and his source, the St. Louis Federal Reserve Bank.
http://finance.fortune.cnn.com/2011/08/18/how-washington-is-destroying-the-economy/
http://research.stlouisfed.org/fred2/series/GFDEBTN

And a series of graphs from the Center for Budget and Policy Priorities
shows the course of the economy through the recession:
http://www.cbpp.org/cms/index.cfm?fa=view&id=3252

And the Economic Policy Center has many graphs and studies.
I like this one about the labor market.
http://www.epi.org/publication/labor-day-by-the-numbers-2011/
And State of Working America also has a long series of graphs
to help simplify this complex phenomenon, the economy:
http://www.stateofworkingamerica.org/

The Chicago Political Economy Group
Eisenhower Era Income Tax Rates on the Upper 10% of Families Would Immediately Erase the Federal Deficit, this paper states, "Though media pundits and political leaders have incessantly claimed that we cannot solve the federal budget deficit simply by taxing the rich so that the middle class "must accept some pain," estimates shown in this paper demonstrate that this is not true (see Section 4 below). In fact, as Section 2 below shows, the bottom 90% of families (or everyone except what can only be called the "upper class") have been "accepting pain" for 35 years while the highest income and especially the very highest income, families have been reaping massive and ever increasing rewards for the same period of time."


http://www.cpegonline.org/workingpapers/CPEGWP2011-2.pdf

The St. Louis Federal Reserve Bank has a series of charts and graphs.
I don't find them very helpful, but they are official. Take a look.
Increase of monetary base:
http://research.stlouisfed.org/fred2/series/BASE

Public debt
http://research.stlouisfed.org/fred2/series/GFDEBTN
http://research.stlouisfed.org/fred2/series/USAEPRNA?cid=32267
http://www.cpegonline.org/workingpapers/CPEGWP2011-2.pdfhttp://www.cpegonline.org/workingpapers/CPEGWP2011-2.pdf

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This post deserves a few more references for readers:


Here is an article that spells out how the ten largest banks issue half the mortgages in the nation, and the largest five banks own 95 percent of the derivative market, and together the large banks own the industry (and Congress). 
The article fails to spell out that banking corporations are a minority in the world of finance and debt creation. Hedge funds and other institutions that fall outside the regulatory purview control more assets. From Epic Recession by Jack Rasmus, page 217, "The summary showed that the shadow banking sector in late 2007 was even larger than the commercial sector (disregarding the latter's participation in the shadow sector). Shadow banking assets were worth $10.5 trillion compared to commercial banking's $10.0 trillion."
__________________
Public banking is an alternative to the commercial stranglehold of the largest banks. This web page has an educational video explaining it.
Yet public banking does nothing to alleviate the greater problem of extreme concentration of wealth. 
See inequality.org --- http://www.inequality.org
________________

This 2011 article by William K. Black in Dollars and Sense magazine sums up the harm the banks have wreaked. 
  • Made the systemically dangerous megabanks even more dangerous
  • Made our financial system even more parasitic, harming the real economy
Here's a sample from Black's essay:
"According to Credit Suisse, for instance, 49% of all mortgage originations in 2006 were stated-income loans, meaning loans based on applicants’ self-reported incomes with no verification."


From the Mortgage Bankers Association:
One of MARI’s customers recently reviewed a sample of 100 stated income loans upon which they had IRS Forms 4506. When the stated incomes were compared to the IRS figures, the resulting differences were dramatic. Ninety percent of the stated incomes were exaggerated by 5% or more. More disturbingly, almost 60% of the stated amounts were exaggerated by more than 50%. These results suggest that the stated income loan deserves the nickname used by many in the industry, the “liar’s loan.”
(My note: 30% of all mortgage loans in 2006 were "exaggerated by more than 50%." The "sample was only "100 stated income loans", but doesn't this indicate the need for an investigation? Jack Rasmus states that $17 trillion of mortgage loans were issued 2000-2007, so about $2 trillion mortgage loans were issued in 2006. 30% of that amount is $600 billion. If they were clearly fraudulent, if the sample's pattern holds, then a $600 billion major fraud was perpetrated in just one year, and no one is in jail.)
Black asks: 
Why would scores of lenders specialize in making liar’s loans after being warned by their own experts and even by the FBI that such loans led to endemic fraud? (Not that they needed any warnings. Bankers have known for centuries that underwriting is essential to survival in mortgage lending. Even the label “liar’s loan,” widely used in the industry, shows that bankers knew such loans were commonly fraudulent.) How could these fraudulent loans be sold to purportedly the most sophisticated underwriters in the history of the world at grossly inflated values blessed by the world’s top audit firms? How could hundreds of thousands of fraudulent loans be pooled into securities, the now-infamous collateralized debt obligations (CDOs), and receive “AAA” ratings from the top rating agencies? How could markets that are supposed to exclude all fraud instead accommodate millions of fraudulent loans that hyper-inflated the largest financial bubble in history and triggered the Great Recession?

Sunday, August 28, 2011

13.6%, More Realistic Unemployment Rate



The Real Unemployment Rate Is 13.6%,
not 9.1%, in July 2011
see Section One

and

Less Than One Job Was Created, 2000 to 2010,
for every Ten Who Increased
the Potential Work Force


Here's a graph from Paul Krugman's blog, December 2, 2011. Note that the drop from 2001 to 2012 is about 6%, and that six percent represents over 7.5 million potential workers sitting idle. The BLS states 8.75 million jobs were lost 2007-2010. 




_____________________

Between 1990-2000 total jobs increased by 15.2%. In contrast, between 2000-2010 total jobs increased by only 1.6%. And the number of private sector jobs decreased. The potential working population increased roughly by the same rate in both decades, but during 1990-2000 77.5% found jobs, and 2000-2010 only 8.6% found jobs.
See Section Two
______________________

With the same labor participation rate as in January 2000 (67.3% in January 2000 vs. 63.9% July 2011) today's pool of labor would enlarge from 153.2 million to 161.3 million. But the number of jobs would not increase. The unemployment rate, U3, would be higher. An additional 8.1 million workers would join the unemployed. There then would be 22 million unemployed in a labor force of 161.3 million, and an unemployment rate of 13.6%.

There are 239.7 million in the July 2011 civilian non-institutional population. Of that 239.7 million only 63.9% participate in the labor force, much lower than the 67.3% participation rate of January 2000. With the 2000 participation rate today's labor force would increase to 161.3 million, not 153.2 million as reported. With only 139.3 million working in July 2011, that would leave 22.0 million unemployed. 22.0 divided by 161.3 equals 13.6. That's the unemployment rate today if the participation rate of January 2000 were in effect. The workforce pool would swell by 8.1 million additional unemployed workers, but the number of jobs would stay the same. Today's 13.9 million unemployed would have 8.1 million added to their number. The unemployment rate would rise from 9.1% to 13.6%.

For twenty years, 1988 to 2008 the labor participation rate rarely dipped below 66%, and for almost 4 years was above 67%, but today it stands at 63.9%. One has to wonder, what is the true labor participation rate? Does it oscillate according to workers' whim, or is it decreased by poor economic conditions? Is it just a measure of how well or poorly the economy is performing? Discouraged workers are statistically relevant for only 12 months, and then they are dropped out of the workforce. Stating a smaller workforce makes the unemployment rate appear smaller. My point is, the same portion of the population would be willing to work, over 67%; the U3 unemployment measure is misleading.

The year 2000 had a high participation rate, as high as 67.3%, and low unemployment, 4%, proving that a large portion are willing and ready to work. What does a drop in participation indicate? It shows the attraction of the economy to draw workers to work. But today it appears to serve only as a disguise of the severity of the actual unemployment rate. Read Section Two below to see how poorly job creation has served the growing labor force over the past decade. Private sector employment stood at 110 million in 2000, and today it stands at 109 million despite a growth of the civilian non-institutional population by 25 million adults (from 212,557,000 in 2000 to 237,830,000 in 2010).

The labor participation remained above 66% for 20 years, 1988 - 2008. See labor participation rate (or shall I call it the "labor willingness rate") From 1997 - 2001 the unemployment rate was below 5%. But in 1992 unemployment hit 7.5% and still maintained a participation rate of 66.4%.

To this adjusted 13.6% unemployment rate, add 5.5% who work part-time but are looking for full-time. The combined unemployed and under-employed rises to 19.1%. Add to 19.1% some 10.7% who work full-time and year-round for below poverty level wages and you arrive at 29.8% who constitute the misery rate. Over 48 million (nearly 1/3rd) workers or would-be workers are struggling in the country whose economy generates over $47,000 a year per human being, and over $100,000 per worker.

The misery rate stands at 29.8% --- that is 48 million out of work, not enough work, or poverty level work.

A look at the rate of and composition of under-utilized workers shows that low income workers suffer most from under-utilization. The higher one's income the less probable the problem of unemployment or under-utilization; the lower half of the earners are approximately 3 to 4 times more likely to be under-utilized. (See Center for Labor Market Studies, Northeastern University, report on Labor Under-utilization Problems, page 4 --- http://iris.lib.neu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1025&context=clms_pub ----)
____________________________________________________

SECTION TWO --- Number of New Jobs
Falls through the Floor

Here's an added depressing look at the labor force and unemployment.



Let's take a close look at the labor force growth between 2000 and 2010.


I summarized this section much later, on September 12, 2011, when I commented on an article by Dean Baker. This section is so very complicated the summary is helpful. Here's a summary:

I looked at the figures about increase in labor force. Comparing the decade 1990- 2000 with 2000- 2010 you see a stark shift. During both decades the expansion of the civilian non-institutional population was about the same, around 12% (12.3% and 11.9%). But how many entered the labor force is a much different picture (13.2% vs 7.9%). And by how much did the number employed increase? Answer: 15.2% in 1990-2000, and 1.6% in 2000-2010. You (Baker) say that the reason for the fall off in the increase in the labor force has to do with the baby-boomers. Not so. Private sector employment growth 2000-2010 is a negative number, 110 million vs 109 million. Conclusion: the drop-off in the growth of the labor force is a function of job availability. The private sector has not created enough jobs. During 1990-2010, 71% who came of age (net increase) joined the labor force, 2000-2010 only 44% joined the labor force. Obviously I worked on these details one day, and I wrote about it at http://benL8.blogspot.com, August 2011. We have been in a sort of recession since January 2000 when the labor participation rate was much higher and employment was below 4%. The real unemployment number is 13.6%, not 9.1%. Thanks

Now, for the part I wrote in August: It's so complicated the summary is helpful.

Between the years 2000 - 2010 the civilian non-institutional population grew by 11.9%
(some 25,253,000 added, from 212 million to 237 million).
The civilian labor force grew by 7.9% (some 11,306,000, from 142 million to 153 million).
This says that of the increase in the population of potential workers (25 million), 44.8% entered the labor force (11 million), and 55.2% (14 million) did not enter the labor force.
The employed civilian labor force grew by 1.6% (some 2,173,000, from 136,891,000 to 139,064,000). (My confusion here has to do with the ages of those who decided not to participate in the labor force. I imagine that most of the missing participation occurred with older workers, a slow discouragement led to a persistent leakage out of the work force -- that's my guess.)
Out of the 25 million increase in civilian non-institutional population, 8.6% found jobs. 25 million were added to the first (population), 2.2 million were added to the second (jobs). Restated: For every 12 people added to the population of potential workers, 1 job was added to the total employed!

Of the 44.8% who entered the labor force, a low percentage of total civilian population growth, (44.8% amounts to a total of 11,306,000 entering the labor force), only 2,173,000 jobs were created for those 11 million. For 9 million there was no job available. Heidi Sheriholz at epi.org states that the job deficit is 11.2 million, not the labor department's 8.8 million who lost their jobs 2007-2009. She probably believes that more than 11 million would have entered the labor force, but how many more? Those additional would swell the numbers of workers who could not find work.

Immediately it is apparent that job growth was insufficient. The job creation
number (2,173,000) was 8.6% of the population growth number (25,253,000), and 19.2% of the growth of number joining the labor force (11,306,000). If the economy can only provide jobs for an additional 19.2% of those who enter the labor force, and 8.6% for the total increase of population, what hope have we for maintaining our present standard of living?

This looks pretty bleak.

Let's compare, from the same BLS table, the growth numbers for 1990 to 2000.
The civilian non-institutional population increased by 12.3% (23,353,000).
The labor force increased by 13.2% (16,737,000). (71% joined the labor force, not 44% during 2000-2010)
The number employed increased by 15.2% (18,098,000).
Out of the increase in the population, 77.5% found jobs.

In comparison, to repeat, the figures for 2000 to 2010 are:
The civilian non-institutional population increased by 11.9% (25,253,000).
The labor force increased by 7.9% (11,306,000).
The number employed increased by 1.6% (2,173,000). As I previously stated, private sector employment decreased by 3.4% during the decade.

Comparing the two decades, 1990 -  2000 to 2000 - 2010:
--- population increase: 12.3% to 11.9%,
--- work force increase: 13.2% to 7.9%,
---- number employed increase: 15.2% to 1.6%.

___________________
Most striking, the number employed between 1990-2000 increased by 15.2%, but 2000-2010 the number employed increased by 1.6%. And, of the increase in population, 1990 - 2000, 77.5% found jobs, but 2000-2010 only 8.6% found jobs.
___________________

(A reader told me he hated how I changed colors and size. I hope the last paragraph doesn't bother you. I should make it twice its size and enclose it in flames, if I could, but I'm controlling myself. Yes, I understand, too many numbers, very confusing. That's why I highlight some details.)

__________________________________________________________
Section Three --- Rutgers University Employment Report
Here are two highlights from two Rutgers University professors,Seneca and Hughes, report, Economic Soft Patch 2, August 2011.

But, at the very same time—the end of the fourth quarter December 2010—total private-sector employment in the United States remained 7.6 million jobs, or 6.6 percent, below its pre-recession peak. Consequently, as 2010 came to a close, the nation was producing the same economic output with 6.6 percent fewer private-sector jobs—i.e., with 7.6 million fewer private-sector jobs.

and

Prolonged and subdued recoveries follow deep financial crises. The current situation is no different. The United States is still feeling the effects of the worst financial crisis since the Great Depression. The nation lost an unprecedented 8.8 million private- sector jobs during the Great Recession. Through June 2011, 2.2 million jobs (rounded) have been recovered, or about 24 percent—leaving a deficit of 6.7 million jobs. There is still a very long road to traverse before achieving full job recovery, but the employment recovery process is under way.

I think one should read Jack Rasmus' August 7,2011 article on employment before concluding that the employment problem is actually improving. I find some fault in the Hughes and Seneca report, which I won't bother any readers with. But the report adds another dimension to understanding.

________________________________________________________
Section Four
How Inequality Screws Up the Entire Economy

I seem to repeat this argument in every blog entry I make, so here it is again.

The Great Depression was caused by inequality of income. This is the conclusion of Marriner Eccles, Chairman of the Federal Reserve from 1934 to 1948. Writing in his 1951 memoir, he elaborates on the role of inequality as the cause: "Instead of achieving that kind of [fair] distribution of current produced wealth [meaning current income], a giant suction pump had by 1929-30 drawn into a few hands an increasing portion of currently produced wealth. This served them as capital accumulations. But by taking purchasing power out of the hands of mass consumers, the savers denied to themselves the kind of effective demand for their products that would justify a reinvestment of their capital accumulations in new plants. . . . Had there been a better distribution of the current income from the national product -- in other words, had there been less savings by business and the higher-income groups and more income in the lower groups -- we should have had far greater stability in our economy.”

Today our nation's economy suffers from maldistribution of income.

John Maynard Keynes also advised Franklin Roosevelt before he took office in a public letter to create public jobs. He stated that of three options for creating additional purchasing demand, only one could be relied upon, and the government must play that role, saying, ". . . public authority must be called in aid to create additional current incomes through the expenditure of borrowed or printed money... It is, therefore, only from the third factor that we can expect the initial major impulse.”

Purchasing power, or consumer spending amounts to 70% of economic activity in the nation's economy. Who has the money to spend today? Purchasing power is dried up. In the almost fair years of 2006 the bottom 80% of workers received just 28.2% of the nation's total personal income through their labor. In fact with pensions, government pensions, social transfer payments, and alimony payments, the total portion of income received by the lower 80% totals 40%. The top 20% receive 60%. See the Tax Policy Center's 2006 report on source of income and distribution by income percentile.

The real rate of unemployment is not 9.1% but about 14.7%. Yet, with under-employment it's actually closer to 20%, and adding those who work for poverty wages in year-round full-time work, the Misery Rate is over 30%.

The nation's income is infirm, weak, debilitated by the very low purchasing power of the vast majority. And this rebounds in low employment.

Between 1940 and 1980 the top 10% of households never received more than 35% of all personal income, today the portion received by the top 10% reaches close to 50%, and as I've said above, the top 20% receives 60% of all income while the bottom 80% receives 40% (with 28.2% deriving from wages and salaries). (See Professor Emmanuel Saez' study "Striking It Richer" August 2010 Update)


Sources:

Unemployment rate over the years, BLS figures
http://data.bls.gov/timeseries/LNS14000000

http://data.bls.gov/timeseries/LNS11300000

http://www.bls.gov/opub/ted/2011/ted_20110810.htm

http://www.bls.gov/cps/cpsaat1.pdf

The best article I've read on employment comes from professor Jack Rasmus' recent article of August 7, 2011. http://jackrasmus.com/

Tax Policy Center for Sources of Cash Income by Cash Income Percentile, All Tax Units, 2006
http://www.taxpolicycenter.org/numbers/displayatab.cfm?Simid=85

August 28, 2011, B. L.
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THIS BLOG: My February 2011 essay, the Six Point Program, is a comprehensive proposal to restore prosperity. I recommend it. Go the the column at the right, click-on February, 2011. Look for the Contents page also, December of 2010. We can do two major things in this nation: we can make sure all jobs pay a decent wage -- they don't, believe me --- and democratically we can create jobs for everyone.

Sunday, July 24, 2011

180 foot monster



The Distribution of Wealth in America


--- July 22, 2011 ---


If we could magically transfer just 5% of the nation's total assets ($2.7 trillion) from the wealthiest 10% of households (who own over $37.8 trillion) to the lowest 40% of households --- this would reduce the share of the top 10% of households from 70% to 65% of all assets --- then the lowest 40% of households (47 million households or 125 million Americans) would increase their average net worth from $2,200 to $60,000 per household. Is that dreaming irrationally? Is that being un-American? Why do the least wealthy 40% own only 0.3% of the nation's total wealth? Would that improve the quality of life? What prevents such a wealth distribution?


You may read the following as a facetious story, but no, not on this blog. It's only too true. True Detective True. I draw my facts from the report "State of Working America's Wealth" by Sylvia Allegretto, published March 2011 by the Economic Policy Institute. (more on her research below)


I'm dreaming. In the middle of the night I dream a friend invites me to his house; I agree. He says, "Let me introduce you to my housemates." I agree. I walk in the door of his house, and the first thing he says is, "The median height of everyone living here, all 20 people in this house, is 6 feet tall." That's a little odd. "The median height? What is he talking about?" I remember, the scale from shortest to tallest, the guy in the middle is the median, and he is 6 feet tall, half shorter and half taller. Why does he bring this up. I nod, OK. It's a tall group. I don't ask a lot of questions because I'm dreaming. That's my height, too.


Then he says, "But the average height is a lot taller, something like 21 feet tall." I wonder, "What the hell is he talking about?" (The median is 6, the average 21 feet???) "Let me introduce you to the other 19 men and women who live here," he says, and I agree. He takes me to a room and opens the door and I see 8 little mice-like human beings running around on the floor, shouting and yelling. He closes the door abruptly. He says, "The average height in there is 1.4 inches high. Those 8 roommates are really short. We don't know exactly what to do about it." I nod and gulp. I noticed how fast he shut the door. How odd, what were those things? They could all stand on the handle-bars of my bicycle.


Then we go to the living room where he introduces me to 10 other residents, and they range from 5 foot four to 6 foot 6, normal looking adults, all pleasant and well adjusted -- except one is really tall, about 10 feet I guess. He shares the name of each one. I start to forget about the other room with the excited little 8 shrimp-anoids running around and shouting. I am happy to meet these ten people, they are all friendly. I say, "Larry told me he really enjoys living here and the company of his housemates, it's an interesting place to live. It' nice to meet you all." Or something like that. And I add, "Now I've met you and 17 of your housemates, where are the two other housemates?" He points outside. I gaze out the open door where I see two huge buildings that resemble airplane hangers or maybe where the blimps sleep at night. There are two giants in the two buildings. He says, "That's Oscar over there, the short giant, only 50 feet tall, and Horace, can you see him? He's enormous, 300 feet tall! He rests in that house pretty much all day long. Oscar is 50 feet tall, Horace is 300 feet tall."


"My God! How could that be? But I thought you said the median height here was 6 feet tall," I say somewhat stupefied. My friend replies, "Yes, that's true, the median height is 6 feet, but I did say the average height is 21 feet tall. The average went way up because of those two giants, Oscar and Horace, who you see out there resting in the shade of the dirigible hangers. Because one of them is 50 feet tall and another 300 feet tall, it brings the average to 21 feet tall." My head is swimming, I can't do all this math in a dream.


There are 20 people in this house. Total height of everyone: add up, 8 times 1.4 inches is about 1 foot; 9 times 6 feet = 54 feet, plus one whose is 10feet tall; plus one 50 feet, plus the 300 footer = 415 total feet. Divide by 20 equals almost 21 feet, the average. The median height (the middle guy in a scale from shortest to tallest) of all the 20 people is 6 feet tall. Eight of the people are midgets, 1.4 inches in height. Ten are normal looking, and the other two, 50 feet and 300 feet tall. Then I start thinking, maybe I should try to wake up from this dream. Time to awaken old sport, this is getting too weird.


But, this dream image accords with the distribution of wealth in America.


But if I convert these 20 dream images from height into weight, then we will see 8 tiny people weighing about 4 pounds, 10 people weighing about 200 pounds (some are obese to be sure), one huge guy at 1,560 pounds and another weighing 9,360 pounds. Still we preserve the essential ratio of wealth distribution. Imagine what a nightmare. But let's not be unpatriotic. "God bless America" and all that. The greatest place on earth. It has its virtues.


We would be a far better nation if we distributed income and wealth in a more equitable fashion. As far as income distribution, see the United Nations Human Development Index, the U.S. is the most unequal among developed nations, and ranks about 72nd among all nations on Earth, behind Egypt, Russian, Bulgaria and others. The link above is more interesting, placing the U.S. 24th in a list of the top 30 most developed countries, showing the quality of life for the lowest is still much higher than many nations. Inequality studies are very complicated.


See Sylvia Allegretto's report if you think I invented this dream. She reports that the "average" net worth is just below $500,000, the white household median $97,000, the fortieth percentile stands at $65,200, the African American median $2,200. The top 5% owns 60% of all assets, and about 72% of all financial assets (stocks and bonds). And the next top-most 5% owns 10% of all assets (from Edward Wolff's report at Levy Economics Institute). The average net worth of the bottom 40% is $2,200, and they own 0.3% of all assets. With those details one can determine the ratios as I did.


Page 2 is an eye-opener, a summation of fallout from 2007 to 2009. The nation lost 16% of its net worth, the bottom 90% lost 25% of their worth, the bottom 80% lost 40% of their worth. The bottom 80% own 12.8% of all net worth. The ratio of median household net worth (the 50th percentile) to the top 1% is 1 to 225, a new record. Almost 1 in 4 households have no net worth, 3 out of 8 have less than $12,000. House prices dropped 32% since 2006. Home equity as a percent of home value dropped from almost 60% to 36.2%, "meaning that banks now own more of the nation's housing stock than people do," for the first time on record.

___________________________________________________________


Our U.S. society has problems. Our incarceration rate is about 12 times the rate of Japan, and the homicide rate is 6 times the rate of Japan, Germany and much of Europe, to name two important metrics. Thoughtful and caring people ask themselves "why?'" Do our rules of organization (economics) and the opportunities available to some but not to all contribute? Why such alarming disparities between other advanced countries? Certainly avoiding human suffering is common sense. Personally, I worked at an elementary school in a poor and violent neighborhood, and I got sick of the conditions there. Poverty neighborhoods and criminal behavior are inseparable and ineradicable. But other advanced countries do not have it as bad. Why? Unfortunately we do not recognize our blatant problems, and a "What me worry?" ("or care?") attitude is normal. Or "America is the best, beyond question (ing)." Let's not be bothered with murder and mayhem, unless it's on the TV happening to some unfortunate poor soul. And when misfortune is reported, it serves more as an alarmist message that increases general fear and paranoia, not compassion or constructive thinking.


Recently a survey report originating from the National Bureau of Economic Research, the organization that announces the official beginning and end of recessions in the U.S., noted that half the population in the U.S. would not be able to come up with $2,000 within 30 days without selling something or borrowing from a relative or friend. Half. See CNN Money, May 14, 2011, "Half of Americans Don't Have $2,000 for a Rainy Day". Only one in four were certain they could handle the emergency.


The Credit Suisse Bank released "Global Wealth Report" in October, 2010. By my rough calculation, if the U.S. had the same wealth distribution as Japan almost all families would have over $100,000 in savings. Perhaps that is why people are not killing each other in Japan, at least not a the rate people kill one another in the U.S.. (See page 16 and 28) You might be surprised to learn that even poor communist China does better than the U.S. Though they have billionaires, by and large their distribution is more equal than most countries.


If we could magically transfer just 5% of the nation's assets from the wealthiest 10% of households to the lowest 40% --- reduce the share of the top 10% from 70% to 65% ---, then the lowest 40% of households (47 million households or 125 million Americans) would hold on average $60,000 instead of $2,200. Is that dreaming irrationally? Is that being un-American?


Scholars at Washington University in Saint Louis, at the Center for Social Development, Mark Schreiner and Michael Sherraden have proposed methods of asset accumulation for low-earning households. The "Individual Development Account" is the primary focus of their proposal and research. Their book "Can the Poor Save?" describes their research. A social program in San Francisco, SF Earns, see www.earn.org, provides incentives to low-earning families to save for education, housing, or business creation. I recommend that readers review the successful and encouraging personal stories on their web page. These programs are marvelous, but grossly under-funded.


In Germany, 40% of the banking system is publicly owned. See German Public Banks, a Wikipedia article. Assets do not have to be held privately, and accumulation beyond the sky's limit does not have to be the social norm. Such a norm contributes to mis-allocation of human and natural and especially financial resources.


This is just a beginning of a look at a very large and neglected problem, the 300 foot giant -- or is he a monster?


Ben Leet